Published: · Region: Middle East · Category: conflict

Iran‑ and China‑linked Houthi gains at Bab el‑Mandeb tighten grip on Red Sea energy chokepoint

Houthi forces have captured islands, expanded along Yemen’s Red Sea coast and taken control of the Bab el‑Mandeb strait, giving them more leverage over one of the world’s key energy routes while drawing on Iranian support and dual‑use supplies from Chinese companies.

Control of the Bab el‑Mandeb strait has tilted further toward Yemen’s Houthi movement, raising the stakes for Red Sea shipping and global energy flows. In a matter of weeks, the group has captured islands, expanded its hold along Yemen’s coast and taken control of the narrow passage, according to regional reporting. That corridor links the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and carries a significant share of oil and commercial traffic between Asia, Europe and the Gulf.

The way the Houthis are sustaining their capabilities is drawing as much attention as their territorial gains. China has become an increasingly important source of supplies. Chinese companies are providing dual‑use goods that can be used for civilian purposes but also for military applications, particularly components critical to the Houthis’ drone technology. The group has repeatedly used drones against ships and regional infrastructure. These supplies sit alongside longstanding Iranian support, which has included the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps using small fishing boats to smuggle weapons, missile parts and other materiel to the Houthis.

That additional channel beyond Iran’s own smuggling network gives the movement more resilience. Its forces can keep building and deploying drones even if one route is disrupted, complicating efforts by other states to curb its strike capability at sea and ashore.

The strategic concern comes from where these gains have occurred. Bab el‑Mandeb is a narrow chokepoint. Tankers, container ships and bulk carriers have little room to maneuver if targeted there, and even the perception of risk can force shipping companies to reroute vessels. Traffic that avoids the Red Sea and Suez Canal has to go around the Cape of Good Hope, adding time and cost that filter through energy and freight markets.

For governments, the Houthi advance feeds into a larger confrontation between the United States and Iran. The Houthis now occupy more territory along a corridor central to that rivalry and have a supply network that runs through both Tehran and Chinese commercial actors. That makes them a more valuable partner for Iran and a harder problem for navies trying to protect sea lanes.

China’s role adds another layer. Beijing presents itself as a stabilizing economic partner and relies heavily on secure sea routes through the Red Sea, yet Chinese‑made dual‑use components are helping power a drone program run by a non‑state actor that threatens international shipping. That tension puts pressure on export controls and on quiet diplomacy between China and other major trading states that depend on the same corridor.

The practical impact will show up in decisions made far from Yemen’s shores. Shipping lines and insurers will judge whether the new Houthi positions and capabilities justify higher premiums or route changes. Energy and commodity traders will track any disruptions that could move prices. Diplomats and defense officials will watch for signs that Chinese authorities are tightening or ignoring controls on the dual‑use goods now feeding into the Red Sea battlefield.

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