EU Struggles to Renew Russia Sanctions as France and Slovakia Hold Out
EU ambassadors have so far failed to agree on extending sanctions against Russia, postponing the legal expiry from 15 to 22 September after France and Slovakia resisted the current package and Paris pushed to remove Alisher Usmanov from the list.
Europe’s economic pressure campaign on Russia has hit a snag just when it was supposed to look automatic.
EU ambassadors were unable to agree on extending a key set of sanctions against Russia, forcing them to delay the legal expiry date from 15 September to 22 September to buy time for a deal. Many governments had treated the renewal as a formality. Instead, they are now caught in a visible dispute over who stays on the blacklist and on what terms.
Two capitals are at the center of the holdup: France and Slovakia. According to reports, Paris has blocked a simple roll‑over, insisting that Russian billionaire Alisher Usmanov be taken off the sanctions list, reportedly in connection with a broader agreement with Azerbaijan. Slovakia has also dug in, though its detailed demands have not been widely aired. Measures that were expected to continue by default are suddenly subject to last‑minute political bargaining.
The timing is awkward for Kyiv and its supporters. Ukrainian officials are already worried about fatigue among partners and divisive debates in Europe over long‑term aid and defense spending. The sight of EU governments using the Russia sanctions list as a bargaining chip with third countries, and fighting over one oligarch’s status, weakens the image of a united front.
On paper, the measures involve asset freezes and travel bans on individuals and entities, along with sectoral restrictions that hit Russian finance, technology and trade. The legal act behind them was due to lapse on 15 September. By agreeing to shift the deadline to 22 September, ambassadors avoided an automatic de‑listing, but only for a week. If they can’t settle on a common text by then, they will have to decide between a partial renewal and a more serious breakdown.
For most Russians, the back‑and‑forth won’t change daily life. For those directly targeted—business figures, officials and companies cut off from EU money and property—the difference between staying sanctioned and being removed is huge. For the EU’s broader stance, the issue is whether sanctions look like consistent tools of policy or bargaining chips that can be traded in unrelated negotiations.
The fact that France appears ready to hold up Russia measures over a demand linked to Azerbaijan highlights how entangled European diplomacy has become. Energy security, talks in the South Caucasus and ties with non‑Western partners all intersect with the Russia file. That opens space for complex trade‑offs but makes it harder to send a simple signal to Moscow.
For businesses and banks, the uncertainty creates another layer of risk. Compliance teams watch not only the legal text but the political mood. If they come to see the regime as unstable or prone to sudden changes, they are likely to over‑comply in some cases and hesitate in others, blurring the practical reach of EU measures.
The power of sanctions depends partly on the perception that they are steady and rules‑based. Once names start to look negotiable, their deterrent value fades.
The next decisive signs will be whether Paris relaxes its push to remove Usmanov, whether Slovakia makes its conditions public or cuts a quiet deal, and how hard other member states push back. A clean extension with only minor tweaks would make this look like a brief skirmish. If high‑profile names are dropped or carve‑outs created to buy consensus, Moscow and other sanctioned actors are likely to see it as an opening to press for more erosion.
Sources
- OSINT