
U.S. Move to Lift Syria Terror Listing Signals Risky Opening in Sanctions Wall
Damascus officials welcomed President Donald Trump’s decision to start rescinding Syria’s State Sponsor of Terrorism designation, calling it a major step toward economic recovery, as Switzerland opened a cooperation office in Damascus. The twin moves hint at a slow shift from pure isolation toward conditional engagement with Bashar al-Assad’s government. This story explores what the policy change could unlock for Syria’s battered economy—and the political and accountability risks it carries.
Syria’s government is hailing a policy shift in Washington that could mark the beginning of the end of one of the heaviest diplomatic penalties a state can face: designation as a sponsor of terrorism. If carried through, the move would open cracks in the sanctions wall that has helped keep the country economically frozen and politically isolated for more than a decade.
Syrian Finance Minister Mohamed Yisr Barnieh and Central Bank Governor Mohammad Safwat Raslan on Wednesday welcomed U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to begin the process of rescinding Syria’s listing as a State Sponsor of Terrorism, describing it as a major step toward economic recovery and renewed access to global finance. In a separate communication, Trump informed President Ahmad al-Sharaa that he had formally notified Congress of his intent to remove Syria from the terror list, a legal prerequisite under U.S. law.
While the decision is only the start of a process that will involve congressional review and could face political resistance in Washington, it signals a significant recalibration in how the United States is weighing its leverage over Damascus against other priorities, such as containing regional spillover and facilitating reconstruction under some form of oversight.
On the same day, Switzerland formally opened a Cooperation Office in Damascus in partnership with Syria’s Foreign Ministry, cementing a shift in Bern’s engagement from purely humanitarian relief toward longer-term development cooperation. Swiss officials framed the office as a way to better coordinate assistance and support early recovery, without endorsing the Syrian government’s policies. But its establishment still marks a notable normalization step by a European government known for sticking close to international legal norms.
For ordinary Syrians, battered by years of war, sanctions and economic collapse, the potential easing of one layer in the sanctions regime raises cautious hope that more trade, investment and financial flows could eventually follow. Being on the U.S. State Sponsor of Terrorism list triggers wide-ranging restrictions that scare off banks and companies well beyond what is explicitly required, because of the compliance risks involved. Even if other U.S. and European sanctions tied to human rights abuses and war crimes stay in place, delisting would send a signal to risk-averse institutions that some forms of engagement are no longer taboo by default.
Yet for victims of the conflict and advocates of accountability, the timing and trajectory of these shifts are fraught. The International Criminal Court’s deputy chief prosecutor said this week the court has gathered concrete evidence linking leaders of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces to war crimes in Darfur, sharpening the contrast with Syria, where no comparable international tribunal is in motion and key perpetrators remain firmly in power. Critics of normalization with Damascus fear that delisting, even if surrounded by conditions, will be read by the Assad government and its backers as confirmation that atrocities can be outlasted.
Regionally, the U.S. step aligns with a gradual thaw already under way. Arab states, led by the United Arab Emirates, have reopened embassies in Damascus and pushed for Syria’s return to the Arab League, arguing that re-engagement is necessary to manage refugee flows, drug trafficking and Iranian influence. The Swiss office adds a Western European dimension to this trend, even if most EU members remain officially opposed to normalization without political concessions.
The strategic consequences extend to sanctions architecture as a whole. If Washington proves willing to delist Syria while maintaining issue-specific sanctions, it would signal a shift from broad symbolic punishment to more targeted tools—potentially making the terrorism list a less permanent, more negotiable instrument in U.S. foreign policy.
The key insight is that in sanctions policy, labels matter not just for what they prohibit on paper, but for how they shape the instincts of bankers, insurers and diplomats; remove one, and the whole risk calculus begins to change.
Indicators to watch now include how U.S. lawmakers respond to Trump’s notification and whether Congress tries to attach conditions or block the delisting; whether international financial institutions or major banks quietly adjust their internal Syria risk guidance; how quickly Switzerland’s new office moves from planning to concrete development projects; and whether other European states test the waters with their own limited re-engagement, or instead use the U.S. move as a foil to argue for maintaining political distance from Assad.
Sources
- OSINT